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Metcalf and the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964 (redirected from Economic Opportunity Act of 1964)

Page history last edited by Jeff Malcomson 8 years, 2 months ago

Lee Metcalf working at his desk in his Senate office in Washington,

D.C., [circa July 1964]. Lot 31 B1/7.04




By Matthew M. Peek

Montana Historical Society Metcalf CLIR Project Photograph Archivist

August 2014


Economic Opportunity Act of 1964


On July 23, 1964, with a vote of 61 to 34, the U.S. Senate passed Senate bill 2642, its version of the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964. The U.S. House of Representatives passed the Senate bill on August 08, 1964, and President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the bill into law on August 20, 1964. Johnson’s “War on Poverty” was launched with this act, signaling a national dedication to the eradication of poverty in the United States through the provision of “opportunity.” Johnson’s stated at the act’s signing ceremony his vision for the legislation:


For the million young men and women who are out of school and who are out of work, this program will permit us to take them off the streets, put them into work training programs, to prepare them for productive lives, not wasted lives [1].


The Economic Opportunity Act would become the hallmark of Johnson’s administration. However, the legislation has its origins in the work of Montana’s Lee Metcalf as a U.S. Representative in the 1950s.


Working closely with his friend and colleague Senator Hubert H. Humphrey (D-MN), then Rep. Metcalf envisioned a program for youth patterned on the 1930s Civilian Conservation Corps, which he and Humphrey called the “Youth Conservation Corps” (YCC).  The idea behind the program was to help lower youth delinquency through federally-funded summer forest, park, and wilderness conservation and improvement programs. The program allowed for “enrollment of up to 150,000 boys and young men, between the ages of 16 and 22. They would be permitted to sign up for six-month enlistments for outdoor conservation work under the supervision of professionals in the National Park Service and other conservation agencies” [2]. The concept for the YCC was to provide training programs, a military-style living and work environment, and a paid wage for youth from across the country. The YCC was to give youth appreciation for the outdoors; encourage adolescent physical fitness; give youth a sense of purpose and hope; and assist the work of conservation, soil, and water programs, as well as the National Park Service and the U.S. Forest Service. It was a noble vision.


For any federal congressman to support such social welfare and public works programs from 1950 to 1955 was dangerous in America, thanks in large part to the “Red Scare” promoted by Senator Joseph McCarthy (WI). Social welfare programs at the time were considered socialist or Communist, and the Army-McCarthy hearings in 1953-1954 scared many liberals from making their social welfare views known. Lee Metcalf had had accusations leveled at him during congressional campaigns of having socialist leanings, as Metcalf had attended one time a socialist club meeting during his time in college in the 1930s. However, his service in WWII as the chief prosecuting attorney for the American Military Government (AMG) against Nazis and war criminals in Germany—as well as serving as the AMG Public Safety Officer who helped draft the ordinances for Germany’s first free local elections—placed Metcalf in an unassailable position. His service record made him safe from any accusations of being a Communist or socialist, and he was never called on by the House Committee on Un-American Activities (as far as is known). Because of his position, Metcalf was the ideal member of the U.S. Congress in the 1950s to push for social welfare programs along with Senator Humphrey during this tenuous political period.


Senator Humphrey unveiled on December 29, 1956, the first version of the YCC, in a six-point youth opportunity program to address education, delinquency, and employment for youth and college students in America. Humphrey planned to introduce his program to Congress in January 1957, but the program initially did not go anywhere [3]. What it did do was provide the common ground for congressional heavyweights such as Lee Metcalf, Eugene McCarthy, Humphrey, George McGovern, and other liberal Democratic federal politicians to begin the push for a wider federal program of social welfare legislation. With his close working relationship with Metcalf for federal aid to education, Montana Senator James E. Murray introduced a bill (S. 812) he wrote for the establishment of the YCC in 1959 (based on Humphrey’s proposal).


Humphrey promoted his YCC program in a Harper’s Magazine article in January 1959, entitled “A Plan to Save Trees, Land, and Boys.” Humphrey saw the waste of young lives equaling and paralleling a waste of the United States’ soil and water resources. The YCC could benefit both, and bring lasting benefits to the nation. Eleanor Roosevelt also believed strongly in the need for the YCC: “The bill to establish a ‘Youth Conservation Corps’ seems most commendable and I hope it will pass” [4].


As it applied to the YCC, Metcalf testified with Senator Humphrey before a House of Representatives Education Subcommittee in April 1960 regarding the situation young boys and men found themselves in post-WWII:


Metcalf, referring to the constant flow of youngsters into the labor market which he said 'is at best inhospitable to teenagers,' declared: 'Many of these youngsters . . . are not going anywhere, except to boredom, confusion and trouble. Evidence of this is provided by the growing problem of juvenile delinquency— and the increasing numbers of youngsters in our custodial and penal institutions.’ Metcalf said YCC boys would improve timber stands by thinning, help carve new access roads and trails into forests, plant tree seedlings on bare lands and stabilize eroding stream banks. 'They would build picnic area facilities, retaining walls, small dams to hold water on the land and improve waterways for fish and wildlife, rebuild game cover, reseed deteriorated range, land and team up to fight forest fires'” [5].


The program fell through the House of Representatives in 1960 after having passed the Senate, with the failure blamed on opposition by President Eisenhower’s administration.


The YCC had been an idea Metcalf promoted since coming to Congress in 1953, and gained traction throughout the 1950s, as youth delinquency and unemployment grew rapidly in the post-WWII boom. As co-founder of the Democratic Study Group in the House of Representatives with Eugene McCarthy (D-WI) in 1955, Metcalf had come to meet and discuss with Hubert Humphrey their shared ideas on social welfare legislation, federally-funded education, civil rights, and a national wilderness act. Both men worked from 1956 to 1964 to gain passage of some of America’s most sweeping social welfare programs.


In the early days of America’s large spending programs on the Cold War, Metcalf had been advocating a national public works program to strengthen national defense systems in the United States, as well as to eventually cushion any economic shock future defense spending cuts might have on the nation’s economy. Labeling it a “public works resource program,” Metcalf foresaw the need to provide for job training programs, public works programs, and educational support programs to ensure the general health of American culture, economics, and population [6]. One portion of this concept was the eventual Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965, which provided federal financial assistance for public schools. The other portion of Metcalf’s vision was what we call today “social welfare legislation” and programs, similar to those in place during the Great Depression.


Metcalf and Humphrey’s social welfare programs found a champion in Senator and later President John F. Kennedy, who chose to address issues of race and poverty throughout his presidency. Such early programs as the Peace Corps proved Kennedy was hoping to expand the impact of community-styled action programs in America. On February 14, 1963, President Kennedy gave to the U.S. Congress a “Special Message to the Congress on the Nation’s Youth”, in which he called for solutions to deal with the growing issues faced by America’s youth:


We cannot be complacent about the impediments to their [America’s youth] development which still remain—about the opportunities they are denied—about those segments of our youth population not enjoying the opportunities enjoyed by others. If, for the sake of our Nation as well as their own families, our children and young people are to grow into productive adult members of society and bear the responsibility of the legacy we leave them—that of the world's most powerful and economically advanced nation--then all of them must have the fullest opportunity for moral, intellectual, and physical development to prepare adequately for this challenge [7].


Kennedy initiated the planning for his “War on Poverty” program in the spring of 1963, after reading an article called “The Other America,” by the social commentator Michael Harrington. By the end of the summer of 1963, Kennedy had put together a social welfare program that was part of his New Frontier platform. Part of this program was the Youth Employment Act. In a Labor Day Statement on September 2, 1963, Kennedy continued to emphasize his views on the YCC and other such programs:


Third, we must accelerate our effort to offer constructive opportunities to our young people. Our youth are our national future. Today one out of every four persons in the labor force between 16 and 21 is out of school and out of work. The persistence of unemployment and of juvenile delinquency is a sign of our society’s failure to enlist the full energy and talent of our young men and women in positive tasks and purposes. The Youth Conservation Corps and the Home Town Youth Corps seem to me especially promising ways of improving both the skills of our young people and their contribution to the general welfare [8].


Kennedy’s assassination in November 1963 led to the newly sworn-in President Lyndon B. Johnson to adopt and expand the “War on Poverty” campaign, making it the symbol for his presidency under his “Great Society” program, which included the Civil Rights Act and the federal education act.


By 1963, Metcalf had become a U.S. Senator involved with the Senate committees dealing with education, public works projects, and the Interior Department. In all of these committees, hearings were held on various aspects of developing a social welfare legislation under President John F. Kennedy’s “New Frontier” vision for America. From 1961-1963, Senator Metcalf testified for, publically campaigned for, and helped strategize for the establishment of a series of national social welfare programs. Metcalf, Humphrey, Kennedy, and Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield (also of Montana) all worked hard to get passage in Congress for social welfare programs they viewed as vital to the country. Metcalf stated in July 11, 1963, radio program regarding the needs of America’s youth that:


Employment has reached a record seventy million. But automation, mechanization, and scientific advances are causing unskilled jobs to disappear at an increasingly rapid rate. At the same time our population of young people is growing at an increasingly rapid rate. Herein lies one of our greatest domestic problems. . . . There are currently 1,200,000 unemployed young people actively seeking work, 25 percent of the total jobless force. The tragic waste suggested by these figures is hard to assess. Youth who cannot work often become delinquent. Youth who cannot work become castoffs and chronic dependents, doomed to live in poverty of body and mind. And they perpetuate this social evil by raising their children in their own image [9].


Senator Metcalf believed that lack of opportunity causes a great number of social inequalities, particularly as it relates to education and poverty. Part of Metcalf’s push since the early 1950s for federally-funded education revolved around the fact that rural and Native American school children were among the poorest in education and financial standing, due to lack of education opportunities. Metcalf’s federal aid to education bills aimed to solve this remedy. Also, Metcalf continued to push for Congress to continue the funding for the federal school milk program, part of the National School Lunch Program since 1946, on the basis that many poor children do not get the proper nutrition at home. How, Metcalf wondered, can children be expected to concentrate on their education if they are starving?


On January 8, 1964, President Johnson stated in his State of the Union Address: “Unfortunately, many Americans live on the outskirts of hope--some because of their poverty, and some because of their color, and all too many because of both. Our task is to help replace their despair with opportunity. This administration today, here and now, declares unconditional war on poverty in America” [bold and italics added] [10]. That same year, Metcalf joined his fellow liberal Democrats to push both in Congress and in Montana to bring about the passage of the Economic Opportunity Act. He told Montanans in a radio address on March 18, 1964, that:


Only a small fraction of our nation’s poor are wholly responsible for their condition. Most often they are the victims of circumstances. Just as some Americans inherit wealth, others are born into poverty. Inadequate education, unneeded vocational skills, poor health, and racial discriminations are among the ingredients that create and then sustain poverty in American families. Somehow, we must find a way to break the cycle of poverty that so frequently carries from father to son. The elimination of poverty is above all a moral obligation [11].


Metcalf’s radio address came two days after President Johnson had sent a special message with a draft bill of Johnson’s “War on Poverty” legislation (in the House of Representatives, the bill was H.R. 10440; in the Senate, it was S. 2642) to Congress on March 16, 1964.


On March 17, 1964, the President’s chief of staff Sargent Shriver, a friend of Metcalf’s through their work together on the Peace Corps program, outlined the form of the President’s poverty program. The poverty bill consisted originally of six Titles, along with an authorization for a $963.5 million dollar appropriation for one year, to implement the proposed Act. The bill called for three types of youth programs (Jobs Corps, Work-Training Program, and Work-Study Program); three types of what the administration called “Community Action Programs”; three types of “Rural Areas Programs”, including rural family grants and loans; two types of Employment and Investment Incentives (including long-term longs to private firms that resulted in increased employment and loans to small business firms); and experimental or demonstration programs labeled “Family Unity Through Jobs”. The bill would also create the Office of Economic Opportunity, whose Director would hold the power to define broad portions of the act and delineate funds for various programs [12]. The program also proposed a version of the Peace Corps for the United States, labeled the Volunteers in Service to America, or “VISTA”. These individuals would work in state, local, or federal programs with migrant workers, Native Americans, non-profit mental health facilities, youth programs, and other such general public welfare programs [13].


A sponsor of the Economic Opportunity Bill, Senator Metcalf was also a member of the U.S. Senate Labor and Public Welfare Committee Special Subcommittee on Poverty, whose responsibility was to conduct hearings on the Senate version of President Johnson’s poverty bill—S. 2642. Metcalf was sitting on this committee in the midst of the Civil Rights Act debate, and at the same time as he was testifying for the Wilderness Act. The Poverty Subcommittee began hearings on the poverty bill on June 17, 1964, amidst accusations that the bill was President Johnson’s attempt to court votes in the upcoming 1964 presidential election [14].


Increasingly in the first half of 1964, Senator Metcalf was receiving letters asking about government assistance or programs for delinquent and poor youth in Montana. A Havre attorney named Gordon Hoven had written Metcalf in June 1964 asking about Havre receiving government aid to create employment programs for Havre’s high school dropouts. Metcalf wrote back on June 22, 1964—three days after Metcalf finished presiding over the Senate’s passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act:


Unfortunately there is no program at this time which would suit your specific needs . . . . The House Rules  Committee and the Senate Labor and Public Welfare Committee Special Subcommittee on Poverty of which I am a member are presently holding hearings on this legislation [S. 2642 Economic Opportunity Act]. You may be assured that I will do all I can to see that this legislation passes both Houses of Congress as soon as possible [15].


An amended version of the poverty bill passed the Senate 62 to 33 on July 23, 1964, and it was sent to the U.S. House of Representatives on July 24th. In a July 29, 1964, radio address, Lee Metcalf reflected on the purpose and need for the Economic Opportunity Act:


It is the constitutional responsibility of Congress to provide for the general welfare. The Economic Opportunity Bill of which I am a sponsor and which passed the Senate this last week is designed to help fulfill that responsibility. The proposed legislation would make it the policy of this country to eliminate the paradox of poverty in the midst of plenty. . . . to strike away barriers to full participation by everyone in the abundance of our society.


We in Montana have a special interest in this legislation because every title of the bill can help alleviate Indian poverty. As a group, Indians are among the Nation’s poorest. . . . Every aspect of this bill can be brought to focus on Indian poverty. With the tools available it is likely that every reservation will find an useful application to meet a specific local need. A journey of two thousand miles begins with a first step. This will bring hope to thousands who have abandoned all hope, and who have had every reason to doubt that their Government in Washington would be for all the people. I am proud to have had a part in its inception [16].


The bill—a three-year program to end in 1967—went on to be passed by the U.S. House, and signed into law as the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964 by President Johnson on August 20, 1964. However, the act’s passage was just the beginning for the War on Poverty efforts in Montana.


Senator Lee Metcalf kicked into gear immediately in August 1964, attempting to get Jobs Corps camps, Head Start programs, and Neighborhood Youth Corps programs established in Montana. A day before President Johnson signed the act into law, the U.S. Department of Agriculture proposed on August 19, 1964, to open 8 Job Corps camps in 90 days, one of which was the Trapper Creek Camp in Metcalf’s home county of Ravalli County, Montana, in the Bitterroot National Forest. Metcalf gave great support to the many Montanans who were selected in administrative roles within the Office of Economic Opportunity—such as Vernard L. Erickson, who became the chief of the Job Corps Program in 1964.


Prior to the bill’s passage, part of the argument over the poverty program was which agencies would be in charge of which programs. A version of the Youth Conservation Corps, Job Corps camps—aimed to provide education, work experience, and vocational training for youth in conservation camps and residential training centers—was to be managed largely by the U.S. Forest Service. Community Action Programs, Work-Study programs, youth programs, and similar social community programs would be managed by the Department of Health, Education and Welfare (HEW). Various other programs were managed by the Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Indian Affairs, and several other federal departments and agencies. However, programs not directed by the federal government fell under the state to manage, and it was up to the governor of Montana—Republican Governor Tim Babcock—whether or not to accept federal funds for War on Poverty programs.


Babcock, who had begun making statements about running in 1966 for Senator Metcalf’s U.S. Senate seat, did not get along with Metcalf politically. In opposition to the Democratic programs of President Johnson and Metcalf, Babcock delayed in some instances the acceptance of federal monies for War on Poverty Programs. For example, it was not until December 2, 1964, that Babcock approved the construction of the Trapper Creek Camp Job Corps Camp, which the Department of Agriculture had wanted built originally by December 1964 [17]. In 1965, Babcock fought over his right to use the governor’s veto power against accepting Neighborhood Youth Corps programs funded by federal dollars. On June 21, 1965, Babcock vetoed the formation of the Montana Farmers Union Neighborhood Youth Corps, which was slated to employ 1,200 Montana youths and was approved by the federal government, stating: “‘My most important reason for denying approval is my belief that no private organization should be granted the authority to administer and spend federal or state funds” [18]. Babcock also was fighting over a Neighborhood Youth Corps being established in Browning, Montana, on the Blackfoot Indian Reservation [19].


Despite these struggles, Metcalf remained optimistic and devoted to the cause of the War on Poverty: “Every American has a stake in the success of the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964. A prosperous nation such as ours cannot tolerate the loss of human potential due to poverty” [20]. Metcalf worked to establish Head Start programs in Great Falls, Montana; Job Corps Camps at Kicking Horse on the Flathead Indian Reservation; neighborhood centers; and Neighborhood Youth Corps programs in Butte, Montana.


Beginning in January 1965, Metcalf used his close relationship with Sargent Shriver, named in 1965 as the Director of the Office of Economic Opportunity, to seek programs and funds for Montana from President Johnson’s poverty program. On January 29, 1965, Metcalf and Mike Mansfield wrote to Shriver regarding the Hill 57 Indians in Great Falls, Montana:


The community of Great Falls and the surrounding area are growing and in general its economic status is good. However, they have been plagued with small pockets of poverty for many years. There are several isolated and concentrated residential areas of poverty. In most cases these areas are inhabited by so-called landless Indians, those without any legal attachments to Reservations. They are unskilled, inadequately educated, and find it difficult to obtain long term employment. These people live in disgraceful housing and they are constantly confronted with shortages of food, clothing, and necessary utilities. . . . We ask that you send a survey team to Cascade County to survey the desirability of establishing a project in the area under the rural poverty section of the Economic Opportunity Act [21].


In a letter responding to a communication by John B. Sitting Bull of Taylor, Michigan, Lee Metcalf noted in relation to the War on Poverty programs that “There is no reason why Indians should not learn the skills and have the knowledge to compete in a modern world and, at the same time, preserve their traditions and unique culture” [22].


Metcalf emphasized in War on Poverty program the inclusion of Native Americans in the framework of the whole program, rather than having special acts to include Native Americans (which effectively identify Native Americans as not Americans). This showed in the establishment of the Kicking Horse Job Corps Camp at Ronan, Montana, on the Flathead Indian Reservation [23]. In June 1965, Vine Deloria, Jr., Executive Director of the National Congress of American Indians, wrote to Senator Metcalf regarding false reports that Native Americans were not being aided by the War on Poverty programs. Metcalf quickly responded on July 2, 1965, that “Immediately after receiving your letter, I called Mr. Philleo Nash [Director of the Bureau of Indian Affairs] and asked him to give me a report as to the part that the Indians are being privileged to exercise in the Poverty Program” [24].


For every report from constituents and private organizations regarding any issues with the Economic Opportunity Act, Lee Metcalf responded immediately and answered letters as possible. To Metcalf, the success of the War on Poverty programs marked one of the most vital portions of America’s domestic policy. On September 9, 1965, Metcalf, along with U.S. Senators from other western and rural U.S. states, wrote a letter to Vice-President Hubert H. Humphrey, also the Chairman of the President’s Council on Economic Opportunity, regarding their concern over reports that rural communities were not being serviced by the war on poverty programs [25].


The War on Poverty programs brought a new wrinkle into Montana’s social interactions. Many African American youth from urban communities in the South and on the East Coast of the United States were being placed in rural Job Corps Camps in Montana—specifically at Trapper Creek in Ravalli County—at a greater percentage than was originally intended. At the Trapper Creek Camp, there was to only be at most 30% of minority groups at the camp out of a 150-200 camp enrollees. White citizens in Ravalli County—not use to being around a large number of African Americans—wrote to Metcalf complaining about broken federal promises and the danger of having too many “blacks” so far from major cities. Doris Milner, a member of the Community Relations Council in Ravalli County, Montana, wrote that “These colored boys have no social contacts closer than Spokane which is economically impossible for them, and as you know, Western towns will not and cannot absorb so many colored. Hostility is growing and with this many boys we can have real trouble” [26].


Despite the passage of the Civil Rights Act and Metcalf’s role in it, white Montanans were still pushing against any federal efforts to force them to come into contact with large numbers of African Americans. Metcalf did follow this issue up with the Department of Justice’s Community Relations Service, which responded that the situation is not uncommon in other Job Corps camps across the country: “the establishment of Job Corps centers is a new experience for the residents of such communities and requires an adjustment which seldom occurs without some tension” [27]. Metcalf’s vision of ending poverty and improving cultural conditions in the country faced a rough go from the cultural attitudes of the United States.


From 1965 to 1968, Montana and the nation benefitted greatly from the Economic Opportunity Act’s programs. The programs were receiving bad press often and suffered from rumors of ineffectiveness, largely due to resentment over President Johnson’s grand programs which cost the country huge sums of money. Early on in the programs, the question of funding was growing daily as the Vietnam conflict escalated. Due in large part to bad timing, the Tonkin Gulf crisis occurred the same month the Economic Opportunity Act was signed into law—August 1964. Vietnam drained the funding and the manpower from the War on Poverty—and the social revolution that saw its height in the political chaos of the summer of 1968—and finally ended the great dream to end poverty in America. Senator Lee Metcalf was gutted by the Vietnam conflict’s timing and occurrence, largely because it took the country’s focus off its own issues. In 1968, Republican Richard M. Nixon won the U.S. Presidential election, and he gradually ended many of the War on Poverty’s programs. Nixon and Metcalf had long hated each other, and the two swapped verbal insults in the press regarding the War on Poverty funding being syphoned for the Vietnam War.


Despite the War on Poverty’s ultimate failure to fulfill its grand scheme, the legislation did and does still bring great benefit to the United States. The Federal Work-Study program supports millions of American college students during their college study. Head Start and Neighborhood Centers still exist across the country, and provide a great amount of assistance for America’s poor and needy. The Job Corps is still going strong, and has provided thousands with the skills to live and work in America’s forest and wilderness areas. The War on Poverty programs brought hiking trail improvements; improved or new picnic areas at parks; improved access to federal tourist areas; and general improved portions of the country’s infrastructure. Montana greatly benefited from these programs—specifically the state’s Native American populations, many of whose’ older population still remember the benefits of these programs. Senator Lee Metcalf’s role in the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964 was not in vain, and marks him as one of America’s greatest social welfare legislators.


Return to Senator Lee Metcalf (1911-1978)




1. Lyndon B. Johnson: "Remarks Upon Signing the Economic Opportunity Act.," August 20, 1964. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=26452.


2. “Humphrey Sees New ‘CCC’ As Curb on Youth Crime,” Helena Independent Record, Wednesday, April 20, 1960 (Vol. 17, No. 99), pp. 1.


3. Broom, William, “Solon Urges Vast Plain To Aid Collegians,” Independent Press Telegram (Long Beach, CA) Sunday, December 30, 1956.


4. Copy of Letter, Eleanor Roosevelt to Mr. Rosenbluth, February 11, 1959, Lee Metcalf Papers, MC 172, Box 631, Folder 10, Montana Historical Society Research Center. Archives.


5. “Humphrey Sees New ‘CCC’ As Curb on Youth Crime,” Helena Independent Record, Wednesday, April 20, 1960 (Vol. 17, No. 99), pp. 1.


6. “Solon Advocates Resource Plan”, Billings Gazette (Billings, Montana), Friday, January 23, 1953, pp. 7.


7. John F. Kennedy: "Special Message to the Congress on the Nation's Youth.," February 14, 1963. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=9561.


8. John F. Kennedy: "Labor Day Statement by the President.," September 2, 1963. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=9386.


9. Metcalf, Lee. “Jobless Youth [Script],” July 11, 1963, Metcalf weekly radio program to Montana, Lee Metcalf Papers, MC 172, Box 412, Folder 5, Montana Historical Society Research Center. Archives.


10. Lyndon B. Johnson: "Annual Message to the Congress on the State of the Union.," January 8, 1964. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=26787.


11. Metcalf, Lee. “Poverty Program [Script],” March 18, 1964, Metcalf weekly radio program to Montana, Lee Metcalf Papers, MC 172, Box 413, Folder 6, Montana Historical Society Research Center. Archives.


12. U.S. Chamber of Commerce, “Analysis in Depth of the ‘War on Poverty’”, Supplement to the U.S. Chamber of Commerce Washington Report (Vol. 3, No. 17), April 17, 1964. Lee Metcalf Papers, MC 172, Box 491, Folder 1, Montana Historical Society Research Center. Archives.


13. Ibid.


14. “Anti-Poverty Bill Moves to Senate,” Billings Gazette (Billings, Montana), Thursday, June 18, 1964.


15. Letter, Lee Metcalf to Gordon Hoven, June 22, 1964. Lee Metcalf Papers, MC 172, Box 134, Folder 5, Montana Historical Society Research Center. Archives.


16. Metcalf, Lee. “Poverty Bill [Script],” July 29, 1963 (date recorded), Metcalf weekly radio program to Montana, Lee Metcalf Papers, MC 172, Box 413, Folder 6, Montana Historical Society Research Center. Archives.


17. “Forest Service Begins Preliminary Work for Youth Camp,” Montana Standard-Post (Butte-Anaconda, Montana), Friday, December 4, 1964, pp. 24.


18. “Tim Vetoes Farmers Union Neighborhood Youth Corps,” Helena Independent Record (Helena, Montana), Tuesday, June 22, 1965.


19. “Babcock Protests Possible Loss Of Veto Over Federal Projects,” Montana Standard-Post (Butte-Anaconda, Montana), Tuesday, May 18, 1965.


20. Metcalf, Lee. “Final Legislation of the 88th Congress, No. 2 [Script],” October 16, 1964, Metcalf weekly radio program to Montana, Lee Metcalf Papers, MC 172, Box 659, Folder 5, Montana Historical Society Research Center. Archives.


21. Letter, Senators Mike Mansfield and Lee Metcalf to R. Sargent Shriver, January 29, 1965. Lee Metcalf Papers, MC 172, Box 411, Folder 3, Montana Historical Society Research Center. Archives.


22. Letter, Lee Metcalf to John B. Sitting Bull, January 20, 1965. Lee Metcalf Papers, MC 172, Box 411, Folder 3, Montana Historical Society Research Center. Archives.


23. The Kicking Horse camp still today provides valuable education and training, and is operated by the Confederated Salish and Kootenai Tribes of the Flathead Nation. Many tribal members have been helped through this program.


24. Letter, Lee Metcalf to Vine Deloria, Jr., Executive Director of the National Congress of American Indians, July 2, 1965. Lee Metcalf Papers, MC 172, Box 411, Folder 3, Montana Historical Society Research Center. Archives.


25. Letter, to Vice-President Hubert H. Humphrey, September 9, 1965. Lee Metcalf Papers, MC 172, Box 411, Folder 3, Montana Historical Society Research Center. Archives.


26. Letter, Doris Milner to Lee Metcalf, May 3, 1966. Lee Metcalf Papers, MC 172, Box 412, Folder 5, Montana Historical Society Research Center. Archives.


27. Letter, Roger W. Wilkins to Lee Metcalf, May 6, 1966. Lee Metcalf Papers, MC 172, Box 412, Folder 5, Montana Historical Society Research Center. Archives.


 Montana Historical Society Research Center

 225 North Roberts, P.O. Box 201201, Helena, MT 59620-1201, 406-444-2681, 406-444-2696 (fax).



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